Here's a procedural curveball coming down for everyone's favorite McMaverick. This morning, the Senate will take up the conference report (definition) on the Intelligence Authorization bill (H. Rept. 110-478, accompanying H.R. 2082), which will contain in Section 327 the following:
SEC. 327. LIMITATION ON INTERROGATION TECHNIQUES.
(a) Limitation- No individual in the custody or under the effective control of an element of the intelligence community or instrumentality thereof, regardless of nationality or physical location, shall be subject to any treatment or technique of interrogation not authorized by the United States Army Field Manual on Human Intelligence Collector Operations.
(b) Instrumentality Defined- In this section, the term `instrumentality', with respect to an element of the intelligence community, means a contractor or subcontractor at any tier of the element of the intelligence community.
Look familiar?
If so, it's probably because you've seen some of it before, as here:
SA 1977. Mr. MCCAIN (for himself, Mr. GRAHAM, Mr. HAGEL, Mr. SMITH, and Ms. COLLINS) submitted an amendment intended to be proposed by him to the bill H.R. 2863, making appropriations for the Department of Defense for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2006, and for other purposes; which was ordered to lie on the table; as follows:
At the appropriate place, insert the following:
SEC. __. UNIFORM STANDARDS FOR THE INTERROGATION OF PERSONS UNDER THE DETENTION OF THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE.
(a) IN GENERAL.--No person in the custody or under the effective control of the Department of Defense or under detention in a Department of Defense facility shall be subject to any treatment or technique of interrogation not authorized by and listed in the United States Army Field Manual on Intelligence Interrogation.
That language above is the text of what became known as the McCain-Graham amendment to the Fiscal Year 2006 Defense Appropriations bill -- an amendment that passed the Senate by the overwhelming vote of 90-9.
Of course, the 90-9 vote notwithstanding, the McCain-Graham language drew this signing statement from George W. Bush:
The executive branch shall construe Title X in Division A of the Act, relating to detainees, in a manner consistent with the constitutional authority of the President to supervise the unitary executive branch and as Commander in Chief and consistent with the constitutional limitations on the judicial power, which will assist in achieving the shared objective of the Congress and the President, evidenced in Title X, of protecting the American people from further terrorist attacks.
Oh well! It's just a law, so who cares? Not even the Senate cares, really, considering that they now write themselves out of laws, anyway.
Regardless, the Senate will find itself voting on torture again tomorrow. Well, sort of. As with almost everything in the Senate, the vote will and won't be on torture.
WTF? I'll tell you WTF.
The crucial vote will ultimately be procedural in nature. Section 327 was added in conference (definition) -- "air dropped" in Hill parlance -- meaning that it was in neither the House nor the Senate version of the bill, but got shoehorned into the report by the conferees (definition), anyway.
That means Section 327 will be subject to a point of order (definition) that its presence in the report violates Senate Rule XXVIII, which states:
- (a) Conferees shall not insert in their report matter not committed to them by either House, nor shall they strike from the bill matter agreed to by both Houses.
And if there is something in there like that, as is the case with section 327:
(c) If new matter is inserted in the report, a point of order may be made against the conference report and it shall be disposed of as provided under paragraph 4.
And paragraph 4 says:
- (a) A Senator may raise a point of order that one or more provisions of a conference report violates paragraph 2 or paragraph 3, as the case may be. The Presiding Officer may sustain the point of order as to some or all of the provisions against which the Senator raised the point of order.
(b) If the Presiding Officer sustains the point of order as to any of the provisions against which the Senator raised the point of order, then those provisions against which the Presiding Officer sustains the point of order shall be stricken.
So if a Senator raises a point of order against section 327, it's very likely the Presiding Officer of the Senate (definition) will rule, on the advice of the Parliamentarian (definition), that section 327 will have to come out of the report.
But Rule XXVIII has a curveball in it:
- (a) Any Senator may move to waive any or all points of order under paragraph 2 or 3 with respect to the pending conference report by an affirmative vote of three-fifths of the Members, duly chosen and sworn.
An affirmative vote of three-fifths. That's the (in)famous 60 vote threshold. What it means in this case is that the Senate can vote to let section 327's prohibitions against torture stay in the bill if 60 Senators agree to allow it.
So here's the question: Does McCain vote to join the Rubber Stamp Republicans, or does he stand up and say outlawing torture is important enough to waive a point of order for?
He might try to hide behind procedure, and claim that while he'd just love to support the substance of section 327, he's more concerned with upholding the rules of the Senate. But of course, if the integrity of the Senate is so important to him, one might wonder what he's doing bear hugging the man who wiped out all his good work (and that of 89 other Senators) with a signing statement.
The better odds are that the McMaverick just ducks the vote. After all, as ABC's Jake Tapper points out:
[I]n the 110th Congress, out of 450 votes, McCain missed 56.7% of them. The only one who missed more was a senator who had a brain hemmorhage.
Update: Cloture passes 92-4. A point of order should come next. (mcjoan)